Errors in the Approach of Guha in the Delhi Rape Case

Vinod Vincent Rajesh

Assitant Professor of History

Manonmaniam Sundaranar University

Tirunelveli -627011

vinod.rajesh.msu@gmail.com

 In the editorial article of the Hindu dated December 31, 2012, eminent historian Ramachandra Guha has registered his opinion about the patriarchal nature of Indian politics relating it with the Delhi rape case that made the entire nation to rethink about the space it has given for women. But there are a few self-contradicting views in the article which I like to take for discussion. At the first head Guha opines’ about affirmative action initiated in the constitution in favour of the Dalits through 15 per cent reservation. Subsequently in the article he has said that the government headed by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi failed to make use of the verdict in Shah Banu case to introduce ‘uniform civil code’.

Both the statements not only stand in contradiction to each other but also nullify the logic Guha intends to create. Inferring of his first statement would guide us to arrive at the conclusion that if groups of people are given opportunity for self legislation tangible results can be attained. No doubt that would be the height of democratic spirit in a multi-cultural society arranged hierarchically. But in the case of the Muslims were not given the constitutional right to self-determination as was in the case of the Dalits. In actuality Mohammed Ali Jinnah in his 14 point program demanded one-third representation in the legislature for the minorities to enable them decide in matters that affected them. Since that could not be guaranteed by the Indian National Congress, the Muslim League found the solution in the partition of the nation. They feared political suppression under the majority.

Apart from all these, the very belief of affirmative action in favour of ‘former untouchables’ – in Guha’s words – having brought huge strides of change in the Indian socio-political life in itself unfounded. If we are to believe that substantial changes have taken place, why then riots like that took place in Dharmapuri wherein caste-based political parties such as the DPI and PMK counter-pose each other occur?

It is true that Indian politics is governed by patriarchy. But the roots of patriarchy have to be searched in the caste system than in the political system as a separate entity. Any person engaged in social science research would agree that the nature of modernity in India is only reinforcing of orthodoxy.  As such the caste based orthodoxy is extending its tentacles in all walks of Indian life. Therefore the ugly event of Delhi rape has to be viewed in the light of the spreading Khap-Panchayat mentality for the culprits have dared to indulge in such a brutish act when the girl was in the company of a male who is not her blood relative. Conventionally in our homes for long we have believed that a young boy who is blood relative to a girl is sufficient to escort her to public places. In the case of Delhi rape, the culprits seemed to have been convinced that a girl with another boy can be punished.

Guha also compares India with Switzerland in terms of achievement in political suffrage. But long before attaining political suffrage Switzerland has alleviated the male chauvinistic tendency of cooking mean opinion about women who dress as they like and move in company of people who they wish. This has to be ingrained in the minds of the Indians as normal. Or else the coming to gather of public in favour of the victim will become a localized issue and would not attain the character of a movement. In other words, they have to broad base the range of issues that affect Indian women in the present context. Any kind of debate in this matter should stem from the people than from the government.

There cannot be any compromise in delivering one-third reservation for women in the parliament, legislative assemblies and other bodies where they like to have their representation. But we should not forget the fact that caste is the fundamental socio-political reality in India. We have Khap-Panchayat minded patriarchal elements that do not accept participation of women in the political life of the nation as normal. As Guha himself has stated, until at least 1957 there was no participation of women in Indian politics. In the subsequent periods we have sufficiently damaged the political space due for them. General body meetings of political parties show poor presence of women in contrast to what Guha celebrates as ‘numbers’. Therefore, it is the responsibility of the political parties and the general public to infuse maternal character to the socio-political fabric of the nation prior to the implementation of one-third reservation. Otherwise, the solution offered by Guha may reflect as too ambitious.

The letter was sent to the editor of the Hindu. But he chose not to publish it.